Freedom to Tinker
Another lead into the blog world. I spoke to Fred von Lohmann over at EFF. He pointed me towards Ed Felten’s Freedom to Tinker blog.
He was right. Felten’s got consistently interesting post. But his main reason in pointing me there was to meet JD Lasica, who is in the midst of a virtual book tour promoting Darknet. While I was poking around, I noticed that Ed also has a book club going; I left a note suggesting that he take a look at Digital Phoenix.
I also exchanged thoughts with JD about our respective books. I discovered, though, that Freedom to Tinker doesn’t let commenters include links in their posts. A bit of a deterrent, I’d say, but perhaps an intentional one. Seems to violate what I think I’ve been learning about blogging.
So I guess the question for Ed is: bug or feature?
Ed’s also got a great collection of links to tech law and tech policy sites. I chased down a few of them. I found some interesting posts on the ”Technology Liberation Front.” Tim Lee posted a thought arguing that the apparent failure of EU remedies against Microsoft demonstrated the flaws in the basic antitrust case. I responded:
Failure of a remedy doesn’t quite “lay bare the absurdity of Microsoft’s antitrust critics.” What it does is demonstrate the impotence of simple remediation to a broken market. The problem with the antitrust case has always been that it tackles symptoms after they emerge, while ignoring the underlying problem inherent in the IP rights that we grant to software companies.
In a competitive operating systems market, vendors would integrate new functionality at their own risk. Technically smooth integrations that made consumers happy would win market share away from competitors—who would then have to integrate the new functionality as well or wither to insignificance. Technically premature integrations would annoy consumers, degrade OS performance and system stability, and drive market share away from the integrator. The market mechanism would either reinforce or negate the underlying engineering decision.
The antitrust argument has long been that the structure of the operating systems market skews incentives. Consumers cannot punish Microsoft for engineering missteps stemming from premature integration (or, as I have argued, for replacing engineers with marketers as the key decision-makers in product development). Microsoft, on the other hand, retains the standard incentives to make life difficult for its competitors. In this environment, it would be irrational for Microsoft to do anything other than integrate prematurely—thereby curtailing innovation and competition. There is no evidence that Microsoft is an irrational corporation.
But the key to Microsoft’s rationality lies in its ability to leverage the IP rights that we gave it. Largely due to a lack of analytic thought, we have arrived at a situation where a typical commercial software product bundles: (i) patented algorithms and (ii) trademarked logos and icons into (iii) copyrighted source code subsequently both (iv) maintained as a trade secret and (v) compiled into copyrighted object code, then circulated subject to (vi) a shrink-wrapped license. That combination of legal protections makes software among the most heavily regulated products on the market—and almost entirely with stealth regulations whose regulatory nature many people miss (or deny). It is precisely the courts’ willingness to enforce these regs, though, that enables both Microsoft’s basic business model and the activities about which its antitrust critics complain.
The proper legal remedies (at least under U.S. law) for a company that leverages its patents or copyrights to harm markets that those IP rights don’t cover lie in IP law, not in antitrust law: they are known as “patent misuse” or “copyright misuse.” Under a misuse remedy, the courts simply announce that they will not enforce IP rights that their holder has misused unless and until the effects of that misuse have been purged.
As long as Microsoft’s critics continue to push after-the-fact antitrust remedies to solve what is really a problem in IP policy, many of their remedies will have minimal effect—and make them look foolish. Behavioral remedies (e.g., decoupling) can matter at the margin; structural remedies will be hard to implement. Neither addresses the fundamental problem.
If we really want to see a vibrant free market in software that motivates broad-based innovation, we’re going to have to face the underlying problem: our approach to IP rights in software is strangling us.
I develop this argument in greater detail in:
Bruce Abramson, Digital Phoenix: Why the Information Economy Collapsed and How it Will Rise Again (MIT Press, 2005).
Unfortunately, the Technology Liberation Front doesn’t seem to get much traffic.
Another blog lesson.
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