The Informationist

Realpolitik, Not Myth, Will Help Saudis

[Note that this entry ran as an Op-Ed piece in the (Los Angeles) Daily News on November 15, 1990, during the troop buildup known as “Operation Desert Shield"].

Saudi Arabia, like the Soviet Union, has recently discovered that an unworkable, unrealistic mythology is a poor basis upon which to run a country. The Saudi myth system, of course, has nothing to do with the Communist brotherhood of workers; it relates, instead, to the Islamic brotherhood of Arabs. The Arab empire, stretching from the Atlantic Ocean to Persia, is struggling to emerge from five centuries of European and Turkish occupation.

Despite the withdrawal of imperial forces, cultural and economic imperialism remains. Most galling of all, when the last wave of Europeans withdrew in 1948, they left behind their Jewish vassals to guard the long-sought prize of Jerusalem. Under this myth system, the West, and in particular the United States, is not just a bad outsider, but an evil infidel. Israel is not simply a difficult neighbor, but an offensive presence. These myths are so deeply ingrained in the Arab psyche that a military alliance with the west could easily lead to popular insurrection, and that peace with Israel, even in the face of the current Iraqi threat, remains unthinkable.

The Egyptians were the first Arabs to recognize the merits of pragmatism. Their participation in the Camp David accords has been rewarded with the return of the Sinai, peace with Israel, substantial American aid, and rapid integration into the Western world. The Saudis stand poised to become the second. Over the past few months, the ruling family may have come to recognize that blind devotion to their own mythology can have its drawbacks.

Saddam Hussein provided them with the opportunity to make their dreams a reality. All that they had to do was grant him control of OPEC’s economic policy. In exchange, he would unify the Arab nation, stand up to the West, and incinerate half of Israel. Many Arabs found the deal attractive; Jordan, Yemen, and the PLO quickly accepted. Kuwait dissented, and was crushed. The Saudis, faced with the choice between their own political existence and the attainment of their mythical ideal, rapidly learned the meaning of realpolitik. The brotherhood was put on hold, and Western aid was enlisted.

The United States was ready, willing, and able to respond to the Saudi call for help. Had we not responded when we did, Saudi Arabia would probably not be independent today; at the very least, it would not have an independent economic policy. Nevertheless, we have acceded to the convoluted notion that our Arab allies are doing us a favor by allowing us to stand up to Iraqi aggression. Were the coalition to fall apart tomorrow, the United States would suffer a loss of prestige on the world stage. The governments of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Oman would probably not see New Year’s Day; those of Egypt and Syria would be severely weakened. The United States should not bear primary responsibility for maintaining this coalition. Our Arab allies should be taking every measure possible to guarantee that we remain.

We should be encouraging the Saudis to embrace some important Western ideas, such as the nation-state. Democracy has little hope of taking hold in the Arab world in the near future. Capitalism, on the other hand, holds great promise. The wealthy rulers in the Gulf have long enjoyed its benefits; they should be taught to accept its responsibilities, as well. The Saudis (and other Gulf leaders) should be encouraged to disavow their mythical positions as custodians of the great Arab resource (oil) by proclaiming their own national mineral rights. They should also be pushed to call for an end to terrorism and a need for long-term regional stability.

The United States should encourage the Saudis to join the Camp David accords. Current political reality makes the Saudis and the Israelis natural allies. Recent Saudi statements about the danger of a well-armed Iraq and the affirmation of Palestinian rights without an acceptance of the PLO’s leadership, all mirror long-held Israeli positions.

A peace process begun along these lines would help the Saudis, the Israelis, the Egyptians, the United States, and all Palestinian Arabs willing to live in peace with Israel. It would hurt Iraq, the PLO, and their radical followers. There is no rational reason for the exclusion of Israel from the anti-Iraq coalition. Israel’s exclusion is based on an ideology that is deeply rooted in the Arabs’ anti-Western myth system. If the Saudis are unwilling to negotiate with Israel during times of clear, common security concerns, no peaceful settlement can reasonably be expected.

The rest of the world should be as eager to embrace newly realistic Arab nations as they were to welcome Eastern Europe. The conditions for acceptance, however, must be absolute: a renunciation of anti-Western mythology, and a demonstrated commitment to peace, security, regional stability, and economic integration. If several Arab states accept these terms, history will record our current actions in the Gulf as a major success. If, on the other hand, we allow our Arab allies to cling to their myths and their hatred, we are simply wasting American time, money, and lives. The Arab world will remain unstable, bloody, and hopelessly biased against the West. The choice, however, is not ours; it must be made by the Saudis. The best that we can do is point them in the right direction.

Posted by Bruce Abramson from on 11/12 at 05:16 PM in Foreign Affairs and the World beyond Our Borders